The region of Catalonia is widely known for its desire for independence, and in 2014, as part of an unofficial referendum, 80% of voters declared their support for independence from Spain. Although dismissed by Spanish Government as ‘useless’ due to it lacking official legal recognition, the vote has great symbolic significance, making it an important milestone in the case for Catalan Independence. There is a growing hostility between Catalonia and its host state Spain, economic grievances and national identities are the main reasons for this growing secessionist sentiment. This study evaluates the potential for violence in order to achieve independence; focussing on the current tensions and conflict, the independence referendum and the current political climate. Results from this study reflect the tensions of the region as a whole and suggests that tensions are continuing to escalate within Barcelona, with 15.3% of the population claiming violence was likely to occur. These tensions have increased due to a multitude of factors, principally the current economic situation, mass tourism within the area and the denial of an independence referendum by Madrid.
On La Diada 2012, millions of demonstrators took to the
streets of Barcelona: what was meant to be a celebration of Catalonia’s
national holiday turned into the largest display of Catalan nationalism in
recent history. Demonstrators filled the streets carrying banners with slogans such
as ‘Independence now!’ and ‘Catalonia: the new European state’, as well as
waving the Catalan national flag. On this day, dreams of Catalan independence became
a real possibility (Connolly, 2013).
Separatism has become a serious political movement within
Europe with regional secession a real, short term possibility in Europe. For
generations, Europe has been incredibly divided: currently, there are
approximately twenty five ‘significant separatist movements’ active within
Europe (Borgen, 2010). Many of these have existed for decades and whilst some
of them have violent pasts, many others have solely operated through peaceful
ways (Wencker, 2014).
The demographic composition of the European nation’s
themselves have also been a source of conflict. As territories of Europe’s many
kingdoms became merged over the centuries through marriages and conquests,
minority groups became caught in the middle, leading to internal conflicts and
competing territorial claims (Pfeiffer, 2015). Few minority regions within
Europe are more relevant than Scotland and Catalonia: these regions have
launched high profile independence movements, capturing global attention and
threatening to permanently alter European geopolitics.
This research will move through the history of Catalan
nationalism, focussing on current tensions and conflict, the independence
referendum and the current political climate, in order to understand the roots
of separatist demands and find the drivers behind their rise in the last
decade. The Research question for this thesis will be:
“Catalan’s will not resort to
violence in pursuit of independence”
Nationalism is a movement aimed at the establishment of a
nation state which seeks to be a fundamental unit in the world political order
(Keating, 2000). The collapse of empires and creation of new states during the
20th Century have caused tensions to arise between various groups
within the newly formed region increasing the support for nationalist and
separatist ideas. The very process of nation and state building has made
conflict unavoidable (Alibayov, 2016).
Nationalism is an ideology based on the premise that the individual’s loyalty and
devotion to the nation-state surpass other individual or group interests
(Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2017). In the 19th century, a
sense of romantic nationalism grew within Europe causing political turmoil and
upheaval, as a result of enlightenment about
equality, democracy and political reforms and revolutions that gave voice to
people who had previously been excluded. The American and French Revolutions played a
key role in the birth of nationalism, leading many European countries to
overthrow the existing power structures and develop new ones based on national identity (Cranford, 2010). People began to identify with their nation rather than
their country, threating the boundaries of states throughout Europe.
Keating (2000) suggests that regions which are part of a
state but whose citizens are attributed to, have an independent nationality. He
focusses on how nations can take advantage of their rights via institutions
such as the European Union to strengthen their cause from within, achieve political
recognition, as well as gaining the same roles as the nation state. This
process is called nation building (Requejo, 2001).
Two key theories can be used to understand nation
building namely Gellner and Hobsbawm. Gellner (1964) suggests that through the
advancement of industry, improvements were made within the education system
leading to the creation of high cultural values within society. This unified
high society may in turn lead to statehood. Once a state has been created, the
sense of nation is reinforced through education, language and cultural venues.
Hobsbawm (1962) by contrast, describes nationalism as a
top-down process whereby the elites learn, operate and write in a certain language,
which passes down to the rest of the population. If the above conditions exist
for a nation, secession or at least political autonomy, becomes a possible
motivating factor for people in these nations.
The Spanish state has historically been conspicuously
unsuccessful in building a unitary nation. The nation building process in Spain
was shaped in a different way from other European countries. While most
European countries completed their national integration processes more or less
successfully, the ruling class in Spain failed to lead the population towards a
national identity (Brennan, 1962). The organisation of the state into
Autonomous Regions is simply an attempt to find a solution to historic deficits
in the organisation of Spain as a nation state.
Nation-building is an important element in Catalan nationalist
discourse. This refers to the political and social mobilisation engaged in, to
build on a nationalist movement’s differentiating features. In order to
survive, nationalist movements must continuously adapt to changing
circumstances but this process does not necessarily involve state-building. All
post-Franco governments in Catalonia have endeavoured to ‘nation build’ through
restoration of Catalan language and creating a national identity. The Catalan
Government have strived for replication of powers of Spain’s government which
has been largely successful: Catalonia have their own government officials,
police force, flag, and national anthem for example (Martines-Herrera, 2002;
Moreno, 2001).
Regional institutions have also
supported the development of Catalan national identity as many of these
organisation promote Catalan identity through published materials and events
for example. These actions have influenced public opinion, creating an image
depicting support for nation building (McRoberts, 1996).
Separatism can be defined as the political movement that
pursues independence for its own territorial entity, and seeks to accomplish
this through secession from the existing central state (Wencker, 2014).
Separatism is an inherently political movement: distinct cultural groups act
upon their claims for independence from the nation on whose territory they reside
as a minority. Separatism generates conflict but is not necessarily violent: many
separatist groups pursue goals of greater autonomy by peaceful means (Alibayov,
2016).
To understand the key forces behind many of Europe’s
separatist movements, Benedict Anderson’s theory on imagined communities is
crucial. Anderson (1983) describes the existence of imagined communities who share
an idea of communion without personally knowing the greater part of the
communities members. Even with no personal connection, members of this imagined
community share common identical features such as language and cultural traditions
(Werncker, 2014). Often these common community features have been created
artificially over a period of time, but are perceived to be logical and
self-evident by the members of a community. Communities can also be defined in
relation to what it is not (Hylland, 1995).
Membership of such communities is often expressed by references
to a shared history, national symbols and culture. For example the Dutch
community dressing in Orange during King’s Day as expressions of membership of the
‘Dutch imagined community’. In allcases
of separatism within Europe, an imagined community exists, for example Scotland,
Catalonia or Flanders: each region has their own flag, language, cultural
traditions, which are distinctively different from those of the national
imagined community.
The historical context of Catalan separatism is complex
and largely based on the rise of Catalonia from the twelfth through the
fourteenth century.
Following the unification
of Aragon territories in 1137, under the rule of the Count of Barcelona,
the Country of Catalonia emerged and held considerable political and economic
sway through the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In 1479, it was united into a single monarchy with the royal marriage of
Castile and Aragon (Alexander, 2014).
During the War of Spanish Succession in the 18th
century, Catalonia supported the Habsburg pretender to the Spanish throne, who
favoured a federalized Spain, against the French Bourbon claimant. However, The
Treaty of Utrecht (1713) confirmed Philip V as King (Kamen, 1969;
Elliot, 2002), and on 11th September 1714, after a 15 month siege, Barcelona
fell to the Bourbon Army, an event that continues to have major resonance
amongst Catalan nationalists (Kamen, 2014). The
new Bourbon King removed all Catalan institutions and banned the official use
of the Catalan language. This effectively ended the Catalan state structure and
began a process of cultural assimilation that continued until the 20th century.
Catalonian nationalism re-emerged in the nineteenth
century as nationalism surged throughout Europe and various cultural movements
began pressing for greater recognition, following the success of the French
Revolution. Catalonia benefited greatly from industrialisation during this
century, leading to the growth of an educated middle class. The economy
flourished again and the intellectuals took up the task to promote and protect
the Catalan culture, leading to Catalan cultural and literary renaissance (Schech,
1990). The poet Carles Aribau was one of the first to express nostalgia for the
Catalan traditions and language. This period is often considered as the base
for Catalanism. In the 1880s, the nostalgia was replaced by a longing for
modernity and progress (Schech, 1990).
The first attempt
at Catalan autonomy occurred in 1914, with the creation of the Mancomunitat de
Catalunya. The Mancomunitat brought together four provinces of Catalonia to
manage resources and invest in infrastructure, educational institutions, as
well as provide basic health services (The Local, 2016). Challenging the
corrupt electoral system, the campaign for self-government reached a peak towards
the end of World War 1, however, the Mancomunitat was abolished by Miguel Primo
de Rivera in 1925. Autonomy was granted again during the Second Spanish
Republic (1931–1938).
Although all
regions suffered during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), Catalonia was
treated differently: thousands were executed, imprisoned or forced to flee for
their safety. Barcelona spent much of the civil war under the control of
anarchist groups and was subject to violence including street warfare and air
raids by Franco’s air force which killed 1300 people (Coman, 2016). The Catalan
President, Lluis Companys, was forced into exile in France, before being
extradited by Franco. He was executed in 1940 at Montjuic Castle, overlooking
Barcelona. Following the Spanish Civil War and Franco’s succession, Catalonia
suffered cultural eradication, with Catalan political institutions and symbols
abolished and removed from public life, including the Catalan language (Guibernau, 2004).
In November 1971,
the Assembly of Catalonia was formed which advocated the reintroduction of
autonomy and recognition of Catalan identity and culture, which gained widespread
popularity following the death of Franco in 1975 (Moreno et al., 1998).
Following
Franco’s death, Catalonia had hoped that they would now be recognised as a
nation in the new constitution, however they accepted the denomination
“nationality”. Catalonia’s status was further devalued following the
creation of 17 Autonomous Communities (The Economist, 2012). After 25 years, the
Parliament of Catalonia decided to draw up a new Catalan Statute of Autonomy,
in order to re-instate rights it had lost in 1978.
In
2000, resentment grew across the whole of Spain against secessionist regions
including Catalonia and the Basque region, following the election of a
neo-conservative government in Madrid (Cohen, 2012).
A watered down version of the Statute of Autonomy was passed in 2006, however,
this was challenged by the Spanish Constitutional Court, and in 2010, made its
ruling that declared large parts of the Statute unconstitutional including the
idea of Catalonia as a ‘nation’ (Guibernau 2014).
This resulted in large scale demonstrations, of over one million people, in
Barcelona on July 10th 2010 (Muñoz and Guinjoan 2013).
On 11th
September 2013, more than one
million people formed a 400 km human chain across the region of Catalonia
in support of independence compared to only 30,000 federalists marching in
support of Spanish unity on October 12th (Guibernau et al., 2014). Support for independence has
been increasing steadily, as has the perceptions of Catalan identity (Guibernau 2014).
An unofficial
referendum on Catalonian Independence was carried out on 9th
November 2014 by the Catalan government, with 1.8 million Catalans voting in favour
of independence. However, this represented only 37% of the electorate with the
central government claiming that those who were against independence abstained
from voting rendering the result invalid. Further, this referendum was not
authorised by the Spanish government who felt it was unconstitutional (Burgen,
2014). Subsequently the Catalan President, Artur Mas, was arrested and
convicted for defying the constitutional court and barred from office for two
years (Jones, 2017). Secessionist parties, having won a clear majority of seats
in Catalonia’s parliament have approved a further referendum with the hope of
achieving independence in mid-2017.
Secessionism is on the rise across Europe with increasing claims
for independence from constituent countries with a strong regional or national
identity such as Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders. These claims have intensified
within the context of global and European economic crisis. This has led
political and social actors within these regions to strengthen their criticism of
existing models of funding and distribution of power in their nation-state,
demanding greater changes be implemented to allow them to control their own
regional development (Colomb et al., 2014). A review of both the media and
political portrayal of Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders, reveal that grievances
related to territory, distribution of resources and investment in infrastructure
have gained greater interest, at the expense of more identity and culture based
arguments (Béland and Lecours, 2008; Bakke, 2015).
In
all cases of separatism within the EU and Spain there are clear elements of
Anderson (1983) ‘imagined community’ and Brigevich (2012) ‘regional imagined
community’. Within Catalonia, the region has their own flag, language and
cultural traditions that are distinctively different from the Spanish
community. The use of Catalan language
alongside support for Catalonian independence can be interpreted as an example
of national building policy within Catalonia. This language is at the core of
Catalan imagined community giving Catalonians an everyday language that is
notably different from the rest of Spain.
Like their Flemish and Scottish counterparts, Catalonia
does not embrace violence in order to achieve secession, contrary to the
traditional interpretation of nationalism, which suggests that the end goal is
self-determination or state formation. Instead, Catalan nationalism belongs to
the new wave of nationalism which rejects secession but instead focusses on
building a nation within a state. Catalonia seeks to assert its sense of
identity, distinctiveness and nationhood by operating within the Spanish state.
This type of nationalism can be thought of as bourgeois nationalism: the product
of a wealthy region or territory attempting to create distinctive consciousness
(Harvie, 1994).
In
terms of secession, international political support is required for success:
only when a seceding region acquires international recognition can it truly
become a new, sovereign state. The want for secession in Catalonia is
justified through democratic means with emotional, political, and economic
arguments (Coppieters and Huysseune, 2002), however, the decision to recognise
Catalonia as a country is based upon political considerations and separatist
movements therefore require justification, which can either consist of a just
cause or a free choice.
Within Catalonia, tensions are beginning to rise and
with it the desire for independence.
The following section builds on the literature based research which has been carried out in the previous sections, and includes results obtained through a five day field study conducted in February/March 2017. This study was carried out at various locations throughout the city of Barcelona including L’Eixample, La Ribera, El Born, Barceloneta, Port Olimpic and El Raval, illustrated at Figure 1 below. The research was collected by small groups initially which was later combined to give a representative overview of feelings within the region. The overall aim of this research is to evaluate the likelihood of Catalan’s to resort to violence in order to achieve independence.
The research practices employed in this study are a
combination of methods: the use of a mixed approach for gathering data provides
a basis for enhancing research quality, giving a more complete view and
checking the validity of the findings. This mixture of methods compensates the
weaknesses of one, with the strengths of another. Quantitative research collects numeric
data whilst qualitative methods obtains non-numeric data or data that is gained
from inference. Ideally a combined approach can should be adopted as suggested
by Tashakori and Teddlie (2003), as the researcher can obtain different perspectives
while attempting to answer research questions and also make more reliable
interpretations (Saunders et al., 2009).
The mixed approach adopted in this study is based on
analysis of contemporary sources such as literature, internet websites and news
articles, content analysis of two heritage sites and a conflict observational
survey within Barcelona. This was accompanied by semi-structured qualitative
interviews and quantitative questionnaires.
Observational research is a type of correlational research in which the researcher observes symbols, graffiti and monuments for example, to build up an image of conflict and triggers within the landscape. An observational survey of the cultural landscape was carried out with any conflict emblems such as flags, graffiti, flags or monuments noted. Linear transects were walked from the L’Eximple area of Barcelona from El Clot to the Sagrada Familia, illustrated in Figure 2 below.
As
part of the research undertaken for this report, a short qualitative interview
was undertaken with individuals within the Gracia and L’Eixample neighbourhood
(Figure 3), to gauge the areas opinion on independence. Semi-structured
interviews were conducted and were intended to assess the likelihood of
Catalans to resort to violence in order to achieve independence. Several research
questions were posed for the study and predetermined before the survey was
carried out (Table 1). Care was taken to
ensure leading questions were not used within the study and researcher’s
preconceived ideas did not influence questions.
As
this is an emotive topic, questions were designed to obtain information without
asking questions directly:
The choice of a semi-structured approach meant that it
was possible to focus the line of enquiry with specific questions, while
allowing interviewees scope to develop their own line of response in a
narrative form if desired (Zhang and Wildemuth, 2014). The flexibility of this
approach allows for elaboration of information that is important to
participants, but may not necessarily have been highlighted as important to the
original study.
However,
it is important to recognise there are several issues with this method. As
questions were being asked in English it was important to interview those who
were able to understand the questions being asked and deliver understandable
answers. This can also be limiting as those who do not speak good English are
excluded. Interviewees may say what they think the interviewer wants to hear,
rather than their own personal opinion.
Interviewees were selected at random and were first asked to confirm whether they were able to speak English and would be able to communicate their views and opinions effectively to us, as well as confirming that they were comfortable to answer personal and possibly emotive questions. In total, 172 interviews were conducted. The interviews lasted between 10-15 minutes and provided valuable ‘insider’ insights and perceptions.
Questionnaires
were used as a form of data collection, in which all respondents are asked the
same set of questions (de Vaus, 2002). Questionnaires allow large amounts of
information to be collected from a large number of people in a short period of
time. The results can be quantified and analysed quickly and scientifically.
As
with qualitative interviews, quantitative questionnaires also have inherent
weaknesses. Questionnaires often lack detail as the responses are fixed and
responses may be affected due to misinterpretation of the questions. Again, as
questions were asked in English it was important to know that those answering
the questions understood what was being asked. This can be limiting as those
who do not speak good or any English are excluded. Dishonesty in results can
also occur as people answer the questions quickly without thinking. Information
and data being collected also has its limitations as results are collected
without explanation.
Owing
to time constraints, small groups of students were allocated to various areas
of the city in order to obtain more representative samples for the whole area. The
research focussed on the Poble Nou, Port Olimpic and Barceloneta neighbourhoods
of Barcelona (Figure 4).
A survey matrix (Appendix 1), was developed with pre-determined questions to gauge social vulnerability within Barcelona. This survey was divided into five sections with respondents asked to answer closed questions with a rating scale to measure the strength of attitudes towards question. Surveys were distributed to randomly selected members of the public within these areas. In total, 139 surveys were completed.
Museums
and archaeological sites can function as tools for constructing and creating visual
representations of regional or national identities and produce narratives of a
country’s national story (McLean, 1998; Mason, 2007).
The
rise of nationalism in Europe and establishment of nation states during the 19th
century coincided with the transformation of museums into public educational institutions.
A number of Catalan museums used selective interpretations of history to
construct a distinct cultural identity and shape the nations collective memory:
this became the basis for the right to sovereignty (Okita 1997; Bradburne 2000;
Graham and Ashworth 1994). These museums were created to inform central
narratives used to define a group of people, driven by memory, to inform
political or social agendas.
Heritage
sites are key vehicles for the visualisation of grievances within nationalist
societies (Breen et al., 2016). The El Born Cultural Centre (Figure 5), a
former fruit and vegetable market, was created to encourage and promote
remembrance of local and national events. A government initiative, opened on La
Diada 2013, condemns the past and celebrates the modern culture, mirroring
current Catalan culture with that pre 1714, claiming that ‘nothing was ever the
same’ after the fall of Barcelona (Breen et al., 2016).
The
central focus of the centre is the exposed archaeology of Barcelona in 1700s.
An
integral part of El Born’s role is to tap into grievances which exist within Catalan
nationalism, with the aim of constructing a collective image of Catalan culture
and national identity (Torra et al., 2013). Signage inside the centre states
that it ‘aspires to become a meeting point of Catalan culture’ and encourages ‘a
renewed reading of the past’ to ‘recovery of the memory of Catalan people’. Panels
within the centre are politicised in nature for example the Siege ‘opened the
door to repression’ and the Catalan ‘worldview suffered radical mutation’. It
has experienced a lot of criticism for its anti-Spanish rhetoric.
El Born – known as Catalan ‘ground zero’ or Catalonia’s ‘9/11’ – paints picture of a region victimised and oppressed due to its unique cultural identity and aims to mobilise a generation of voters who have the opportunity change Catalonia’s political future. The centre as a whole depicts the city prior to the siege in 1714 as a utopian paradise full of ‘ornamental gardens, painting, music and dance’. However, Barcelona like all 18th century cities, it would have been marked by poverty, class division and disease (Permanyer, 2011).
Museums
become symbols of the collective social memory constituting the ‘imagined
community’ a space where the nation could present itself, to itself and to
others (Anderson 1983). The Museum of Catalan History (Figure 6), strategically
located in Port Vel, documents a comprehensive and interdisciplinary history of
Catalonia and was developed as part of a Catalan Government initiative. It
opened in 1996, following two years of preparation and in the face of strong
opposition claiming it was politically biased, historically imbalanced and an
unacceptable drain on funding for other cultural projects (Sutherland, 2014).
Combining
emotion with politically charged national history is largely avoided within
this museum, although the account of resistance to Bourbon Siege of Barcelona
is an exception. Two separate panels sate that ‘Barcelona held out for thirteen
months, impressing European public opinion’ and that the fall of the city
indicated the ‘end of the Catalan state’. The significance of Catalonia’s loss
of independence is underlined by the fact that this event closes the first half
of the exhibition.
The Catalan language is presented as a key element in Catalan identity. The exhibition explicitly culminates with the election of first post Franco Catalan parliament in 1980 and subsequent decades are summed up as ‘an uninterrupted process of autonomous development and institutional consolidation’. References to Spain and the Spanish ‘other’ are generally noticeable by their absence.
In cultural geography, landscape imagery has long been viewed as an
integral component of national identity. Barcelona’s landscape has been historically shaped by
its location, political battles and civil society (Casellas, 2009).
During
a period of national identity revival in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, Barcelona engaged in a process of city beautification
linking the construction of Modernist buildings with the recovery and the
promotion of historic sites. This urban transformation aimed to promote
tourism, whilst also fostering civic pride and creating a Catalan national
identity (Casellas, 2009). Balibrea (2001) however has been critical of this,
stating that the city’s heritage has been sanitised to satisfy a global tourism
market.
The
region embraces ‘Modernisme’ architectural style as well as literature, music,
arts and crafts, and visual arts culture, with the Sagrada Familia Church (Figure
7) by Gaudi the most symbolic of this time. Barcelona’s modernist architects
looked to the past for inspiration and often borrowed ideas from Arabic and
oriental architecture to symbolise biblical and traditional Catalan themes. This
strategic use of architecture was used to connote the city’s Catalan identity,
whilst showing that it possesses the resources required to encourage
tourism (Harvey 1989). As
Catalonia grew in wealth and power during the 19th century, the
region began to re-establish its national identity: firstly by restoring its
language but also by the injection of modern ideas designed to rejuvenate the
Catalan society and culture (Barcelona-Life.com, 2015)
The urban history of Barcelona illustrates how the landscape of a fashionable city is the result of urban planning in combination with many social, economic and political events (Casella, 2009).
The
early monumentalisation of Barcelona in the opening decades of the twentieth
century can be seen as a process designed to reposition Barcelona as the
national capital (Monclus, 2000). This process was primarily for geo-political
purposes but also had important tourism implications. Verschaffel (1999)
suggested the use of monuments has changed, as representational space has moved
from the physical environment to the space of the media and public opinion. Barcelona
also went through a process of de-monumentalisation, with the removal of
monuments to Franco following the dictator’s death.
Monuments
are used as commemorative tools designed to encourage a collective national
memory. Commemorative monuments to national heroes do appear within Barcelona
but are small in number, which many have suggested is the government attempting
to conceal Barcelona’s past (Balibrea, 2001). A description of key political monuments
is provided below and illustrated at Figure 8.
Rafael Casanova Monument –
Ronda de Sant Pere (Figure 8A)
During
the War of Spanish Succession, Rafael Casanova was the Councillor in Chief of
Barcelona and is regarded as a Catalan National Hero, wounded defending the
city in 1714. This monument is used as a focal point during La Diada with
floral tributes laid in front of the statue as part of the commemorations.
Catalan Volunteer Statue – Parc de Ciutadella (Figure
8B)
This
statue commemorates Catalan volunteers killed on battlefields under the allied
flags. Although created in 1918, the reign of Primo de Rivera made it
impossible to celebrate any Catalan public art so the unveiling had to be
postponed for 13 years. The statue itself was subject to various violations
during the Franco regime. This monument represents a commitment to Catalonia
and the freedom of Barcelona: it portrays a clear commitment to Europe in
Catalonia and represents values of democracy, peace and freedom.
Monument al General Prim –
Parc de Ciutadella (Figure 8C)
The
Statue of General Prim is located in La Parc de Ciutadella, named after the
hated Bourbon citadel that occupied the site from 1716 until 1869. General Prim
gave orders for the citadel to be demolished and provided a urban greenspace
instead which is used extensively by the general public.
Monument to Francesc Macia –
Placa de Catalunya (Figure 8D)
This
monument is of the first president of Catalonia who fought for Catalan
independence and formed political party Estat Catala. The monument consists of
a bronze bust of Marcia in front of an inverted concrete staircase. This
unfinished staircase symbolises the ongoing history of Catalonia which is being
constructed day by day.
Fossar de les Moreres – Santa Maria del Mar (Figure
8E)
This is a place of great symbolic significance: it is thought that this area is the burial site of the fallen during the 1714 Siege of Barcelona. For Catalans, Fossar is more than a memory – it is a homage. In 2001, a cauldron representing an eternal flame was erected at the monument as a symbol of permanent tribute. This monument is used as a central point for remembrance during La Diada celebrations.
A
shift towards a more monumental urban landscape occurred in Barcelona at the
end of the 19th century, with the Universal Exhibition of 1888
contributing greatly to this notion.
The Christopher Columbus statue at the foot of Las Ramblas (Figure 9a), the Arc de Trimof (Figure 9b) and the exhibition buildings within the Parc de la Ciutadella are examples of monumental structures introduced at this time. All of these monuments still play a significant role in the city’s tourist appeal. Following the 1888 Exhibition, monumentalisation in Barcelona continued with the aim of creating a capital city status (Smith, 2007).
Catalan
culture has its own unique identity: the innovative flair, creativity and capacity
to absorb different influences have created a culture that is both national and
cosmopolitan (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2014).
The
most prominent form of national and cultural identity are flags. Flags in
Catalonia, as in Northern Ireland, are one of the most potent expression of
political loyalties and identities, and thus the extent of their presence on
the political scene and the manner in which they are used is of crucial
importance in mobilising the local population.
The Catalan flag shows how a
cultural symbol has gradually become part of political patterns (Anderson,
1991). The Senyera, the symbol of Catalan national identity, acts as a way of
stating opposition to Spain and can, for the Catalan people, be a focus for
deep sentimentality today (Billig, 1995).
In
the city of Barcelona, in terms of single flags displayed, the dominant symbol
observed in this study was the Catalan flag. Many balconies displayed both the
Catalan and the EU flag, while a small number incorporated the Spanish flag as
well. The Spanish constitution makes it mandatory to fly the Spanish flag at
government locations. Otherwise it is not usually seen and is considered a
symbol of oppression and past humiliations.
The
nature of displays varied with the character of the district: where Spanish was
the predominant language, Barcelona and Spanish flags tended to predominate,
whereas areas closer to the city centre were overwhelmingly Catalan, with a
large proportion of these being independista. Many of these flags were also by
slogans and banners, the most common of which were ‘Freedom for Catalonia’ and
‘Independence’.
A
further way of observing cultural artefacts transmitted into political patterns
is in the style of Jordi Pujol who believed language and culture to be the main
traits of Catalan identity (Medrano, 1995). Catalan politicians frequently use
slogans involving ‘Catalan identity’ to create a collect sense of Catalanness
(Häkli, 2001). The need to create a collective national identity is deeply
rooted within the cultural and political life of Catalonia.
A
social vulnerability questionnaire was completed to determine which factors
were of greatest concern to the Catalan population and to determine possible
triggers for conflict as a result.
The
small group surveyed Poble Nou, Port Olimpic and Barceloneta neighbourhoods
with results illustrated in a Social Vulnerability pentagon at Figure 10. For these regions, governance and economics were
of most concern to the residents at 1.5 and 1.8 respectively. Environment and
social factors were of least concern to these residents at 2.5 and 2.8 respectively.
Overall
results from surveys, illustrated at Figure 11, highlighted future threats and
governance as being the most dominant at 2.0 and 2.3 respectively. This is
likely to be a result of anti-government feeling, distrust, corruption and
fraud, and their desire for independence. An examination of the environmental
results identifies the distribution of water and environmental injustice as a
risk factor. Surprisingly, in this study, the economy ranked low at 3.7,
this may be due in part to the very recent slight economic upturn experienced
throughout Spain. As with economy, social also ranked as a low priority at 3.2,
with this factor decreasing in importance from studies carried out during the
previous year. At the height of the recession social ranked highly
demonstrating strong community spirit. As the economy recovers the community
spirit weakens and this contributes to low social cohesion within Barcelona.
This
study highlighted 4 key potential triggers for violence and conflict, which
need to be addressed in order to lessen social tensions:
Qualitative
surveys were carried out within the Gracia and L’Eixample neighbourhood,
results of which are illustrated at Figure 12.
From the small group interviews, all respondents were from Barcelona with the exception of two people: one was a taxi driver originally from Madrid and another was a tourist from Girona. 83.3% of respondent’s first language was Catalan; additional languages spoken included English and Spanish. A female university student stated that “My first language is Catalan. I know Spanish but I will never speak it – Catalan is my mother tongue”. Only 2 respondents did not speak Catalan.
The
majority of respondents (75%) voted in the referendum poll with the main
reasons behind voting being to protect their culture, language and economy, and
to make a change – many people feel that independence will be better for
Catalonia. Of those who did not vote, one was prevented from doing so by her
religion, whilst two respondents feared they would lose their job if they
participated in the referendum.
A
common statement from respondents was that “Spain is scared of the outcome” and
that “It is hard for Spain to accept Catalonia’s desire for independence – they
have a united idea for Spain”. Other respondents felt that “Spain was putting
the law above democracy – denying Catalonia a referendum on independence is
anti-constitutional”
Overall
findings from this study concluded that 50.58% of those sampled supported
independence which is in line with the current official polls. The most
surprising result from this survey however, was that 15.12% of those surveyed
thought that Catalans would resort to violence in order to achieve
independence, an increase of 11.62%, from surveys completed in 2016. A common
statement between the respondents was that they “would fight for their rights!”
if Spain kept denying the Catalan’s a vote on independence. Out of the 26
respondents who thought there would be violence, 11 felt that this would be
initiated from the Spanish side, with one respondent stating “Spain have
threatened violence before, they will do it again!”
Although
many of those who were interviewed wanted an independent Catalonia, many were
doubtful that this would never happen, at least not within their lifetime.
Behind the romantic notions of separatism that have engulfed Catalonia lie a set of concrete, legitimate grievances. It is important to recognise the various social and political factors associated with the recent increase in desire for Catalan Independence such as language, culture and its history as a sovereign state. The Catalan experience (Figure 13) presents six core grievances which the Catalan community feel only independence can resolve. The following sections looks in depth at each of the highlighted grievances.
A diluted version of the Statute of Autonomy was passed
in 2006. However, this was challenged by the Spanish Constitutional Court; and
in 2010, declared large parts of the Statute as unconstitutional, including the
idea of Catalonia as a ‘nation’ and increases in self-government. Catalonia
requested to hold a referendum on Catalan independence which was subsequently
rejected by the Spanish Parliament who called the vote unconstitutional
(Pericay, 2010). The referendum was held anyway, with Catalan politicians being
arrested and charged as a result of their disobedience. A further referendum is
planned for mid-2017, but again the Spanish Government has claimed that this is
illegal.
The
main grievance in Catalonia is the state of the economy. The economic crisis in
Spain is undoubtedly a source of popular discontent, which was the worst since
1950, leading to high unemployment rates. Catalonia makes up 16% of Spain’s
total population, and generates 20% of its total GDP (Rosenfeld, 2015). Dissatisfaction
has intensified by the controversy over the fiscal imbalance of 9.6%, between
tax revenues transferred out of Catalonia to Madrid and the resources
transferred back to Catalonia from Madrid: infrastructure and schools have been
under funded as a result. The Catalan Government want the ability to collect
their own taxes and control how they are spent.
Attempts
to suppress Catalan culture and language has deep historical roots, intensified
during the Franco years, with Catalan language being banned from public spaces
and the school systems. Catalan institutions were also suppressed. Franco also
prohibited the use of Catalan names, with Castilian equivalent having to be
used during his regime. Popular symbols of Catalan culture such as statues and
flags were removed from public view, as was the image of sardanes, a
traditional Catalan dance (Boada, 2015).
Castells
‘human pyramids’ are an 18th century UNESCO recognised tradition
specific to Catalonia, with popularity increasing over the past 10 years as
Catalan nationalism has grown. During the Franco dictatorship, castells were
one of the only ways Catalans could express their regional identity and culture
(NPR, 2014).
Bull
fighting has taken place in Catalonia since the early 14th century.
By the 20th century, it had become one of the major entertainment
attractions in Catalonia. A ban on this traditional past time was approved in
Catalonia in 2010, making it the second Spanish community to ban bullfighting. The
last bullfight in Catalonia took place on 25th September 2011 at La
Monumental in La Plaza de Torro Monumental. There has been controversy
surrounding the ban with many opponents claiming it was motivated, not for
animal welfare reason, but rather the desire of Catalan nationalists to
eradicate something seen as culturally Spanish (Burgen, 2016).
A
further source of conflict is that Catalonia does not have a national team, a
request that has been declined by Madrid. Instead, Barcelona Football Club is
seen as a platform for the expression of Catalan national identity. During the
Franco years, it was portrayed as a representative of the Catalan nation and
exemplified resistance against the dictatorship: the football clubs victories
were celebrated as Catalan victories (Chopra, 2013).
Mass
tourism has created major issues within Barcelona, with an estimated 9 million
people visiting in 2016, compared to only 1.6 million residents within the city
itself. A recent poll concluded that 5.3% of respondents said tourism is the
biggest problem facing the city, ranking higher than poverty (Kitching, 2015).
Barcelona is losing its distinctive character as the city becomes more
modernised to suit tourism needs: traditional family run shops, bars and
restaurants have seen wide scale closure across the city.
Another
issue associated with mass tourism is accommodation. Ciutat Vella Region has
lost almost 13,000 residents in 8 years due to increasing rents and excessive
noise in the area. A similar scenario is happening in the Barcelonetta region:
this area has seen large scale nightly demonstrations against party tourists
(Burgen, 2015).
There
is a lack of supportive coverage in the Spanish newspapers. For example La
Razon, an anti-independence Spanish paper downplayed the massive 2014
pro-independence demonstration. The Catalan community are lambasted on a daily
basis in some media outlets with language such as ‘Catalonia is a cancerous
growth on Spain’. Following the intentional crash of a Germanwings flight in
2015, one Spanish commentator stated publicly that it was ‘too bad the flight
wasn’t filled with Catalans’. Social media coverage of the crash saw racist
trolls celebrating the tragic deaths with users writing: ‘Hang on, let’s not
make a drama out of it, there were Catalans on the plane, not people’, whilst
another posted: ‘A plane full of Catalans and Germans that crashes in France.
#winwinwin’ (The Local, 2015).
Article
155 of the Spanish Constitution allows the government in Madrid to effectively
end its system of self-government, with this article now emerging as a central
issue in Catalonia’s independence movement. In the past the Spanish Colonel and
Association of Spanish Soldiers have threatened to send troops into Catalonia
if the region decides to unilaterally become independent (Buck, 2017).
Catalonia
is one of Spain’s richest and most industrialised regions, with a strong desire
for autonomy. Proud of its own identity and language, many Catalans view
themselves as separate from Spain, a feeling sustained by memories of the
Franco Regime.
Anderson
(1983) uses the concept of ‘imagined communities’ as the basis for construction
of national identity. From the research carried out as part of this study it is
clear that there are elements of this ‘imagined community’ within Catalonia.
The region has its own flag, language and cultural traditions which are
distinctively different from the Spanish community. The Catalans have a rich
history in which they can look back upon and were de facto an independent
country until 1714.
The
use of Catalan language alongside support for independence can be interpreted
as an example of nation building policy within Catalonia. This language is at
the core of Catalan imagined community giving Catalonians an everyday language
that is notably different from the rest of Spain. This portrays Catalonia as a
distinctive region within Spain that can be considered an exclusive national
minority (Brigevich, 2012; Figueras and Masella, 2013). Language and identity
are the cornerstones of the imagined community at the core of Catalonian
separatism.
Until
recently, full independence was not wanted within Catalonia, however the economic
crisis in Spain has seen a surge in support for secession. The results of this
study have shown that Catalonia wants independence, and would not object to
seeking violence as a way to obtain this. However, this is a minority feeling
(15.6%) and is thought that if a legally binding referendum were to be held
that it would be those who consider themselves Spanish, who would actually
participate in violence.
The
hypothesis stated at the start of this research was ‘Catalans will not resort
to violence in order to achieve independence’. Typically Catalan’s do not
promote the use of violence in order to achieve their goal (Lluch, 2010). The
Catalan approach to autonomy is a more rational and will only resort to
violence as a last resort. The potential for violence from Catalan’s is
increasing as evidenced by this study: in just one year, surveys shows that the
likelihood resorting to violence has increased from 3% in 2016 to 15.6% in
2017. By refusing independence referendums, the Spanish Government could
promote dispondancy amongst Catalan fundamentalists who may turn to violence
the way the ETA did in the 1950s and 1960s.
The
independence movement is deeply rooted within Catalonia. Like Scotland,
Catalonia’s parliament has a majority in favour of holding an independence
referendum. However, unlike Scotland who were granted an independence
referendum by Westminster Parliament, the Spanish Parliament in Madrid have
refused to even debate Catalonia’s request (Financial Times, 2014).
With
an upcoming referendum planned for September 2017, it is clear that the
Catalan’s vote will be ‘Yes’ to independence, however, it is doubtful that this
will be recognised by the Spanish Government, and it is not thought that an
Independent Catalonia will be witnessed within the next decade.
Based
on the findings of this study, the following recommendations are made, to
central Spanish Government, which may lessen tensions within the region:
One
of the key grievances felt amongst the Catalan people is the suppression of
their language during the dictatorship years. Catalan is still not recognised
as an official language by Spain or the EU, even though it is spoken by over 10
million people on a daily basis, more than some of the current official
languages within the EU (Debating Europe, 2012). To alleviate some of the
distress caused by the repression of this language, it is recommended that
Catalan be recognised as an official language, rather than a minority, given
its presence in Public Affairs and its mandatory teaching in the education
system.
The
Catalan Government should be given more control over tax collection and
investment in infrastructure, education and health. This will reduce the fiscal
deficit, a key source of tension for Catalans, and it is hoped will reduce the
tension around this issue also.
Education should be provided in both
Spanish and Catalan. Social tensions can be reduced through helping members of
the community gain multicultural and linguistic awareness. This can be achieve through
bilingual education within schools which introduces students to each other’s
language and culture. As students learn alongside others from various
backgrounds, they will be exposed to cultural differences at a younger age.
Bilingual education can create a more unified nation (Ball, 2011).
Catalonia, like Scotland, should be
allowed to hold a referendum on independence. If it was legally binding, and
the entire voting population, including those who abstained in the previous
non-binding referendum, take part it will give a clear image of the current
feeling within the country.
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